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Bush’s Choice for Energy Secretary Was One of Texas’ Top Five Worst Polluters
by Jason Leopold
January 16, 2005
In the bizarro world that President Bush lives in, it pays—literally—to be a
miserable failure, a criminal and a corporate con man. Those are just some
of the characteristics of the dastardly men and women who were tapped
recently to fill the vacancies in Bush’s second-term cabinet.
But one of the President’s most outrageous decisions (besides naming Alberto
Gonzales, who concocted a legal case for torturing foreign prisoners at Abu
Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay, Attorney General) has got to be choosing 66
year-old Sam Bodman to serve as Secretary of Energy. This is a guy who for a
dozen years ran a Texas-based chemical company that spent years on the top
five lists of the country’s worst polluters.
It’s not just a few clouds of smoke emanating from an oil refinery or a
power plant that got Bodman’s old company, Boston-based Cabot Corporation,
those accolades. It was the 54,000 tons of toxic emissions that his company’
s refineries released into the air in the Lone Star state in 1997 alone that
made Cabot the fourth largest source of toxic emissions in Texas. Cabot is
the world’s largest producer of industrial carbon black, a byproduct of the
oil refinery process.
In 2000, the year Bodman left Cabot to join the Bush administration as
Deputy Commerce Secretary, Cabot accounted for 60,000 of the more than
half-a-million tons of toxic emissions released into the Texas air,
according to report by the Texas
State Summary of Emissions.
A loophole created in the 1972 Texas Clean Air Act exempted or
“grandfathered” industrial plants built before 1971 from new, stricter
pollution control rules. But in the mid-1990s companies such as Cabot were
supposed to curb the pollution coming from its refineries. Environmentalists
demanded that then Gov. Bush rein in the polluters and close the so-called
grandfather loophole as the air in Texas became smoggier.
Instead, in 1997, then Gov. Bush asked two oil company executives to outline
a voluntary program that allowed the grandfathered polluters to decide on
their own exactly how much to cut the pollution at their plants. The oil
execs summoned a meeting of two dozen industry reps at Exxon offices in
Houston and presented them with the program.
In a memo obtained under the Freedom of Information Act, one executive wrote
that "clearly the insiders from oil and gas believe that the Governor's
office will 'persuade' the (Texas Natural Resource Conservation Commission)
to accept what program is developed between the industry group and the
Governor's Office."
“And they did. And two years later this joke of a program was enacted into
law by a bill written by the general counsel for the Texas Chemical Council
who also lobbies for energy and utility companies. The bill was denounced by
newspapers across the state,” according to a March 5, 2000
report in The
Fort Worth Star-Telegram.
According to people familiar with the legislation, Sam Bodman was part of
the original working group that drafted legislation that then Gov. Bush
signed into law that basically permitted Cabot and other companies to
continue to emit the same level—and in some cases more—toxic emissions as
they had been years earlier without so much as receiving a slap-on-the-wrist
by then Gov. Bush.
Bodman personally contributed $1,000 to Bush's presidential campaign and
$20,000 to Republican committees in the 1999-2000 election. Bodman is the
wealthiest member of the Bush administration. His net worth is estimated to
be between $42 million and $164 million, the bulk of it in Cabot stock,
deferred compensation and other benefits.
Bodman shoddy environmental record aside, he may also be complicit in one of
Africa’s deadliest wars.
In October 2002, Bodman’s former company came under fire when a United
Nations Panel of Experts produced a report accusing the company, along with
several other US corporations, of helping to fuel the wars in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo (DRC) while he ran Cabot by purchasing coltan from
Congo during the conflict and illegally plundering the country’s vast
natural resources.
Cabot has publicly denied the allegations in the UN report, but a report by
the Belgian Senate states that Eagle Wings Resources International had a
long?term contract to supply Cabot with coltan, which it too purchased from
Congo during the war. Eagle Wings was also identified in the UN report as
contributing to the war.
In response, environmental Friend of the Earth United States (FOE) and the
UK-based human rights group Rights and Accountability in Development (RAID)
filed a complaint with the US State Department last August against Cabot and
several other western corporations for its role in aiding the rebels in the
Democratic Republic of Congo by conducting business there, essentially
inadvertently aiding a violent conflict that contributed to widespread human
rights abuses.
RAID an FOE filed a complaint with the U.S. State Department last August
claiming Cabot and other western corporations having violated the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development’s (OECD) “Guidelines
for Multinational Enterprises,” a set of international standards for
responsible corporate behavior.
The UN panel said in its report that a “three-year investigation found that
sophisticated “elite networks” of high?level political, military and
businesspersons, in collaboration with various rebel groups, intentionally
fueled the conflict in order to retain control over the country’s vast
natural resources. The Panel implicated many Western companies for directly
or indirectly helping to fuel the war.”
The State Department is the agency in charge of deciding whether US
companies breach the OECD guidelines. Despite the allegations included in
the UN report and the complaint filed by the two activist groups, the State
Department has refused to launch an independent investigation into whether
Cabot, under Bodman’s leadership, and the other US companies might have
contributed to the war in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
According to the UN report, an increase in the export of columbo tantalite,
otherwise known as coltan from which the metal tantalum is extracted, in
1999 and 2000 resulted in “a sharp increase in the world prices of tantalum…
leading to a large increase in coltan production in eastern DRC…While the
processors of coltan and other Congolese minerals in Asia, Europe and North
America may not have been aware of what was happening in the DRC, the Panel’
s investigations uncovered such serious concerns that it was decided to
raise the international business community’s awareness…”
Cabot is the world’s largest refiner of coltan. The other US corporations
identified in the UN report, Kemet and Vishay, both purchase processed
tantalum from Cabot. Under Bodman’s leadership an unknown amount of the
coltan Cabot Corporation was purchasing could have originated from the DRC.
Cabot Corporation has stated publicly that “to the best of its knowledge
none [of its coltan came] from environmentally sensitive areas in Africa,
but it can’t be sure.”
As Energy Secretary, Bodman will be looking out for the energy behemoths he
used to commiserate with while he was chairman and chief executive of Cabot,
Vice President Dick Cheney being one of them. Many of those energy
corporations have donated millions to fund President Bush’s inaugural
parties. And Cheney wants Bodman to reward their pals by making a convincing
case why the President’s controversial energy policy should sail through
Congress, the environment be damned.
Jason Leopold is the author of the forthcoming book Off the Record: An
Investigative Journalist’s Inside View of Dirty Politics, Corporate Scandal,
and a Double Life Exposed (Rowman & Littlefield). He can be reached at
jasonleopold@hotmail.com. Visit his website at www.jasonleopold.com
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