Departments
Six months of immunity
by David Swanson
August 7, 2009
Seven years to the day after the Downing Street Minutes meeting at which
top British officials famously discussed U.S. President George W. Bush's
intent to launch a war against Iraq whether or not any means could be
found to legalize it, on July 23rd, the United Nations hosted a
discussion
of ways in which wars of aggression are given pseudo-legal cover.
Included were remarks by Jean Bricmont
and Noam Chomsky
. It
is not hard to imagine how different such discussions would be were the architects of the Iraq War ever held accountable for it in any way.
The Iraq War set a new low for the blatant openness of the lies used to
justify it, and those lies included a secret memo
signed by Jay Bybee, head
of the Office of Legal Counsel, that purports to legalize any illegal
wars launched by a U.S. president. If that memo and the OLC memos
purporting to legalize specific war crimes like torture are left
unchallenged, or if an attempt is made to prosecute those who exceeded
the crimes "legalized" by the memos, the United States will henceforth
be understood to openly treat as legal anything a president instructs a
lawyer to "legalize" including the supreme international crime banned by
the UN Charter, except when that crime is committed by nations other
than the United States or Israel. Vice President Joe Biden recently
remarked that Israel had the right to attack Iran if it chose to, a
remark that would legitimize the worst crime there is, and yet a remark
that Biden clearly made in an attempt to avoid any scandal or
controversy by articulating what he and those he spends his time with
understood to be universally accepted.
The crime of aggressive war against Iraq could be prosecuted in a
foreign court, potentially in the International Criminal Court,
theoretically in U.S. federal court, or -- using an argument made by
Vincent Bugliosi -- through a local or state court in the United States
where Bush could be tried for the murder of U.S. soldiers. The U.S.
Department of Justice could also prosecute Bush for misspending funds on
a war that had not yet been authorized in any way -- funds appropriated
only for other purposes, or for the crime of lying to Congress, or for
using false propaganda domestically, for imprisoning children, employing
assassination squads, using the U.S. military domestically, spying
without warrant, exposing an undercover agent, obstructing justice, or
various other crimes. And an attorney general who would do all of that
(or even most attorneys general who wouldn't) would also overturn the
prosecutions of political prisoners like Don Siegelman, Paul Minor, and
so many others, and hold accountable those who used the Justice
Department to target state and local elected officials, 85 percent of
those prosecuted being Democrats and the other 15 percent consisting
largely of moderate Republicans. Many of the crimes above could also be
prosecuted in foreign courts. A foreign or international court could
conceivably even prosecute the crime of continuing the occupation into
2009, since the UN fig leaf for the occupation expired in December 2008
and has been replaced only by a treaty drawn up between an occupier and
a puppet government of the occupied, a treaty now openly violated by
both parties and never properly ratified by either nation. Many of the
crimes could be, and several are, the subjects of civil suits as well.
Bybee, who is now a federal appeals judge, could be impeached
by Congress. He and other lawyers can also be
disbarred.
If the architects of the Iraq War were being held accountable in any way
for launching it and, in some cases, profiting from it financially, it
is likely that U.S. troops would now be withdrawing from Iraq. As it is,
no withdrawal is underway, a war in Afghanistan is being expanded, the
possibility of launching a war against Iran is being kept open, and
illegal strikes are being launched fairly routinely into Pakistan. We
have seen in the past six months not just a period of immunity, but the
clear results of that immunity, the clear evidence of why "looking
backwards" has an enormous impact on what you see when you look forward.
Sadly, much of the peace movement has not only stopped pressing for
peace and lost the funding with which to do so, but it has also failed
to at long last take up the cause of deterring future war crimes by
prosecuting past ones. The positive news is that human rights and civil
rights groups have taken up the cause of prosecuting torture. The
drawback is that they never mention aggressive war, and it is hard to
imagine an aggressive war occurring without torture even if torture has
been punished.
For each of the other crimes that Bush and Cheney have been granted
immunity for, a similar story can be told. The crimes are not in the
past, because they are being continued in the present. In the case of
indefinite detention, President Obama has fought in court and made a
speech in front of the U.S. Constitution at the National Archives
asserting the power to do exactly what candidate Obama said was
unconstitutional. Obama is imprisoning people outside of any rule of law
in Bagram and Guantanamo, and proposing to keep some of them in prison
indefinitely without ever bringing them to trial. He is proposing to
formalize such a system and dress it up in "due process" reviews. He
asserts the power to render prisoners to other nations, as well. Having
promised not to render prisoners for the purpose of having them
tortured, Obama now claims the power to render prisoners while promising
not to use it for torture, yet failing -- in the view of many human
rights advocates -- to justify the practice. It is a safe assumption
that Obama's behavior would be different, that he would not be proposing
to formalize preventive detention, were Bush being criminally prosecuted
or impeached or held liable in civil court cases for it.
On August 4th Director of Central Intelligence Leon Panetta published a
column essentially advocating immunity for all past criminals who held
important positions in the federal government. Panetta excused the CIA
as having obeyed Bush, failing to recognize that being asked to disobey
laws by one's employer does not create legal protection. At the same
time, Panetta urged immunity for Bush as well. And Panetta claimed that
the United States no longer tortures. One problem with this is that,
even if it were true, it would also be true that the United States
offers no deterrent against torture by its government employees or
future top officials. A deeper problem is found in statements Panetta
has made claiming the power to, in fact, torture. Back in May, blogger
Josh Marshall was mystified, writing:
"One of the weirdest moments in Vice President Cheney's speech was
when he claimed that 'President Obama has reserved unto himself the
right to order the use of enhanced interrogation should he deem it
appropriate.'"
But when you take a crime like torture and turn it into a policy
question, and you choose the policy of not torturing, you maintain the
power to switch to the policy of torturing without any criminal penalty
-- unless someone else manages to transform torture back into a crime
again. Here's Leon Panetta at his confirmation hearing, as reported by
the Guardian:
"Pressed by Democrat Ron Wyden of Oregon about a 'human ticking
time-bomb' scenario, in which a terrorist knows of an imminent
attack on the U.S., Panetta said he believed torture would not be
necessary to extract information. 'I'm of the view that when you
look at the FBI and the US military, that they have been able to
show that it is possible to get the information that's needed to
protect our nation's security,' he said. However, he added: 'If we
had the ticking bomb situation and I felt that whatever we were
using wasn't sufficient, I would not hesitate to go to the president
and request any additional authority that we would need.'"
Following Cheney's statement and Marshall's bewilderment, MSNBC asked
presidential advisor David Axelrod about it. Axelrod repeatedly refused
to deny that Obama believed himself to possess the power to legally
torture. Predictably enough, there have been numerous reports
of ongoing torture
and inhuman and degrading treatment committed by the United States as
well as by the government of Iraq. Were torturers being prosecuted,
fewer prison guards would still be torturing.
It's the same story with warrantless spying. It's not being prosecuted,
and it's also -- predictably enough -- not ending. And it's the same
story with a wide variety of abuses of power that Bush engaged in to a
greater extent than did those who preceded him: the abuses are being
cemented in place by Obama. Rather than throwing out signing statements
that altered laws, Obama has begun writing his own. Rather than throwing
out executive orders that create laws, Obama has begun issuing his own.
Rather than opening up records and accepting court challenges that had
been blocked by claims of "state secrets," Obama is repeating and
enlarging those claims. Rather than delivering subpoenaed witnesses like
Karl Rove to Congress, Obama's White House Counsel is interfering in the
work of the Justice Department to negotiate very partial compliance on
behalf of Rove, an old friend of his. Rather than declassifying
information unnecessarily made secret, Obama is making materials secret
that Bush did not. Rather than rewarding whistleblowers who had been
punished for their good deeds, Obama has signing statemented away
constraints on his power to retaliate against whistleblowers by firing
them. Were Congress holding Bush accountable for any of these abuses,
Obama would be less likely to engage in them. Once Bush and Obama engage
in them without protest, it may become more difficult for Congress to
change course and deny the same powers to Obama's successor.
So, what can we do? There is, at http://prosecutebushcheney.org a long
list of steps we can take to pressure and encourage those who need it,
and to create systemic reforms that make future crimes and abuses
somewhat less likely. But ultimately, we are going to need to resist
through nonviolent mass action, and the sooner we realize and organize
that the better. It will not be easy. It will be a lot harder than what
we have done thus far. But I have seen a lot of people make great
sacrifices these past few years, and their examples have the potential
to inspire others. Members of Veterans for Peace have done more than
anyone else. And let me give you and example from this week from a
friend of ours named Cynthia Papermaster. Here's a woman with a fixed
income and no health insurance who has taken a large chunk of her
retirement savings out of the bank and used it to purchase air time
during the most worthwhile television shows there are for advertisements
demanding that Attorney
General Eric Holder enforce our laws against torture. I can't advise
others to make the same sort of sacrifice, but I can point out that if
others did it would radically change our situation, and that by removing
money from the largest banks and from health insurance companies (which
by and large will not actually cover you if you become seriously ill) it
is possible to do more than one sort of good deed at the same time.
,br>
Drafted in preparation for panel discussion at Veterans for Peace
national convention August 7, 2009, on topic of "Holding the Architects
of Illegal Wars and War Crimes Accountable."
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