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Tue Feb 09 2010
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Departments Letters to the Editor/ Free Press Forum
Could a Founding Father's Belief About Civil Liberties Be Wrong Today?
by Marwan Kreidie
December 11, 2003
Benjamin Franklin stated that 'they who can give up essential liberty to
obtain a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.'
Although the Bush Administration must be familiar with the famous words
uttered by one of our most-distinguished statesmen, they apparently consider
them out of fashion. If the Bush Administration has taken note of these
words of a framer of the Declaration of Independence, it obviously thinks
his warning is outdated. That is, unless, this Administration really
believes that their dragnet approach has made us safer. Let's look at the
facts. But the question remains of whether assaults on human rights mounted
by President Bush and his Attorney General, John Ashcroft, have made our
country safer.
In reaction to the horrific terrorist attacks of September 11th, Attorney
General John Ashcroft announced that over 1,200 people of Arab background or
Muslim belief had been detained. This was followed by 'voluntary
interviews' of Arab and Muslim males, some citizens included, that were
anything but voluntary . Then he announced, NSEERS or 'Special
Registration' that required almost 80,000 people visiting Our Land of the
Free, all male nationals principally from, you guessed it, Arab and Muslim
countries , to be photographed, fingerprinted and interrogated either upon
arrival or, if already here, at a designated immigration office. On December
2, 2003, the Justice Department announced the suspension of some of the
requirements of the Special Registration program.
Many American citizens knew about the well-publicized detention program, but
have had little reason to be aware of its results or of even existence of
the Special Registration program, because neither has been given much
publicity. But most Americans of Arab or Muslim descent have been highly
conscious of both the detention program and the Special Registration
program, considering them egregious examples of ethnic profiling and
intimidation.
But again, Have these programs made us safer?
First, the detention program. Not one of the 1,200 individuals detained has
been charged with anything more than visa violations. Yet the Department of
Justice's own Inspector General, Gerald Fine, stated that the detainees were
incarcerated for too long (an average of over 80 days without charge), were
kept in harsh conditions (shackled, in solitary confinement), and were
often denied contact with relatives or lawyers. In many cases their
families were not even told that they were detained or where they were being
held. Some detainees were jailed far longer than the 80-day average. For
example, Nabil Ayesh was picked up just outside of Philadelphia on September
11th, 2001 for having an Arabic bumper sticker on his car and held for over
a year with no charges filed against him. He was finally deported for visa
violations. If any terrorist connection had been found, Ayesh would never
have been deported.
As if the detentions without charges were not enough, the Department of
Justice started the 'Interview Project' in the winter of 2001-02. The goal
was to interview 5,000 people of Arab descent who were already in the U.S.
and even some U.S. citizens of Arab descent. From all reports, not one
terrorist showed up to be interviewed and little was learned from those
people who did. Yet, the program was repeated targeting an additional 5,000
men, again with no known results. While the DOJ claimed that these voluntary
interviews were not discriminatory even though they selectively targeted
Arabs and Muslims, they certainly led to discrimination after Law
Enforcement officials showed up at jobsites across the country. Soon many
Arab and Muslim men reported harassment at the workplace and many were
dismissed from employment.
Then the Special Registration program or NSEERS. Its suspension speaks for
itself, but perhaps it should be noted that the program's rules were so
unclear that INS officials were not even sure who was required to register.
Some INS officers actually turned people away who were supposed to register.
Not prepared to deal with the large numbers of people who showed up for
registration, many individuals were again detained in harsh conditions.
Again no charges of terrorism or terrorist connections resulted from this
program involving almost 85,000 designated people, although nearly 15,000 of
them were subsequently put into deportation proceedings (mostly for
technical visa violations) , hardly a course of action that would be taken
if the interrogations had discovered any links to terrorism.
Results of these massive intrusions on civil liberties have been costly and
ineffective in achieving their intended purpose of public safety. Instead
of providing comfort to Americans, they have understandably enraged Arab
Americans and American Muslims. Furthermore, they have become notorious
among Arabs and Muslims abroad. In addition, tens of thousands of hours of
potentially valuable Law Enforcement time was wasted, including at least
62,000 annual hours now gained by the suspension of Special Registration.
(DHS's own figure) not to mention the impact of lost trust by great segments
of the Arab and Muslim community in America
One can imagine tart-tongued Ben Franklin taking note of the inconsistency
of these actions with the Administration's stated goal of making the Arab
and Muslim world follow the rule of law and become democratic. Can we
really achieve that high-minded objective by lecturing, 'Do as we say, not
as we do'?
All Americans should demand that the President take on the role of a
champion of civil liberties. Franklin also famously observed, 'We must all
hang together, or assuredly we shall all hang separately.'
Marwan Kreidie is
Executive Director of the Philadelphi Arab-American CDC, teaches political
science at Villanova Univeristy and is a Civil Service Commissioner for the
City of Philadelphia.
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